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In a series of key races, the 2022 midterms weren’t as victorious for Republicans—or as painful for Democrats—as they could have been. Despite the promise of sweeping GOP wins in Congress—wishful, magical thinking at Fox News?—the House of Representatives and Senate majorities remained up for grabs on Wednesday morning. And while Republicans are expected to regain control of the House, they are poised to do so with only 224 seats, only six more than the 218 necessary for a majority, according to The New York Times. That would represent the weakest midterm performance by a president’s opposing party in 20 years. Would I be defying Michelle Obama and going low if, after years of Trumpist trauma, I savored a fleeting moment to declare Republicans politically flaccid?

Sunday fundey Who Dey shirt

In the Senate, Democrats have already flipped one crucial seat, with John Fetterman beating Mehmet Oz—a man I rue ever watching on Oprah—in the nail-biting race to replace retiring Republican senator Pat Toomey. In New Hampshire, a seat Republicans aimed to flip, Democratic senator Maggie Hassan held on. Three more Senate races—in Arizona, Georgia, and Nevada—remain too close to call. Either party will need to win two of three to claim the majority, but the closeness in itself is encouraging. Why did the Republicans fail to capture the flag? For one thing, an unpopular president: not Joe Biden, but ex-president Donald Trump. Several of his endorsed candidates outright faltered, including Oz, Pennsylvania gubernatorial hopeful Doug Mastriano, and candidate for Michigan governor Tudor Dixon, who lost to Democratic incumbent Gretchen Whitmer. Other Trump pets find themselves in extremely tight, still-uncalled races, like far-right Arizona gubernatorial candidate Kari Lake and conservative Colorado representative Lauren Boebert, an incumbent molded in Trump’s image now facing an upset by Democrat Adam Frisch. In the New York governor’s race, worries that Trump-endorsed Republican Lee Zeldin could pose a legitimate threat to Democratic incumbent Kathy Hochul turned out to be unfounded, even as Zeldin won 40% of the vote—disturbingly impressive for the stalwart (thanks to New York City) blue state. It should be telling, however, that Zeldin had downplayed Trump’s endorsement.Yes, some Trump-y candidates won (Florida governor Ron DeSantis; Ohio senator-elect J.D. Vance), but the online steak salesman and credibly accused serial sexual abuser whom Republicans allowed to hijack their party does not appear to wield the same electoral pizzazz that he once did, raising serious questions about another persistent piece of political mythology: that Trump could once again land in the White House.

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Resisting the orange man, however, is too bleak and too tired a rallying cry. Instead of just voting against Trump (even two years after voters booted him from office and consigned him to one-term-president status), I believe the Democratic electorate went to the polls to show who and what they’re for. Chief among those issues: reproductive freedom. Despite still more pat predictions that the economy would trump abortion in terms of ballot priorities (even as abortion is fundamentally an economic concern), abortion rights decisively won in the midterms. Measures to explicitly protect abortion at the state level passed not only in California, Vermont, and Michigan but also in the faithfully red state of Kentucky, sending an emphatic message that voters are not aligned with the Supreme Court’s extreme decision to overturn Roe v. Wade. As writer Molly Jong-Fast tweeted, “Dobbs”—the June decision officially gutting Roe—“killed the red wave.”

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